Transformative Feminist Mobilization in the Arab Region: A Decade of Activism
by Tania N. Haddad, Lina Abou-Habib and Tracy Sakr, Abingdon, UK and New York: Routledge, 2025
Reviewed by Thomas McGee
Transformative Feminist Mobilization in the Arab Region: A Decade of Activism by Tania N. Haddad, Lina Abou-Habib and Tracy Sakr is a timely reflection on the evolving landscape of feminist activism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the 2010–11 Arab Spring uprisings. Noting that this moment represented ‘a turning point in the emergence of more intersectoral and critical feminist movements’ (p. 1), while also bringing about new challenges for feminist actors and activists, the book questions the very definition of success for movements seeking to systemically address gender inequality. As scholars involved in MENA feminist movements and their activities, the authors provide an account based on insider insights and reflections, highlighting how advocates themselves might conceive campaign strategies and outcomes at odds with the conclusions reached by external observers. This provides a refreshing counterpoint to much of the academic literature produced by global North scholars about the MENA region.
In considering the most recent, and indeed ongoing, chapter of feminist mobilisation in the region – i.e. the ‘long’ decade since the start of the Arab Spring – the book is certainly not divorced from the preceding histories that enabled these movements. Following contextualisation of recent developments for feminist movements since the Arab Spring (Chapter 1), the book zooms in on two main thematic areas for its case studies: campaigning to reform gender discriminatory nationality laws (Chapters 2 and 3) and combating gender-based violence (Chapter 4). These case studies are comparative, with each covering two selected countries: Lebanon and Jordan, and Egypt and Lebanon, respectively. Lebanon’s central role in these case studies is justified by its dual, and perhaps paradoxical, characterisation as having historically strong feminist mobilisation and a notable lack of legal and societal reform (p. 8). The final section brings together some overarching observations about the state of transformative feminist movements in the region, the challenges they face, and the potential to strengthen collective efforts.
Within Chapter 2, the authors recognise the decades of work advocating to reform nationality laws so that mothers in MENA states could transfer citizenship to their children on an equal basis with fathers (in particular through the regional Arab Women’s Right to Nationality Campaign during the 2000s)[1] noting how such efforts paved the way for feminist activism within the Arab Spring context. Chapter 3 goes on to consider the strategies and outcomes of such advocacy in Jordan and Lebanon. These case studies naturally lead to consideration of the various factors (internal and external to the feminist movements under study) that have contributed to a general stagnation in reforms addressing gender discrimination within MENA nationality laws following the Arab Spring, while multiple such reforms took place prior to 2011: in Egypt (2004), Algeria (2005), Morocco (2007), Tunisia (2010), and Yemen (2010). In arguing that sectarian and/or demographic considerations (have been manipulated to) pose barriers to reform in the case of Lebanon and Jordan, the authors highlight how the arrival of Syrian refugees since 2011 has added to this dimension, in addition to the long-standing presence of Palestinian refugees in both countries. Nonetheless, the authors document how some feminists advocate for nationality law reform while standing in active solidarity with migrants and refugees, as well as other groups facing marginalisation. As such, despite limited legislative ‘wins’ and only minor, partial concessions being achieved (e.g. a special status for children of Jordanian mothers) since 2011, the shift towards an increasingly intersectional discourse is notable within each country under study.
Moving the focus to gender-based violence (GBV), Chapter 4 (penned by Abi Zeid Elvira) illustrates how Lebanon and Egypt both (albeit at variance with each other) present a generally enabling landscape for the perpetuation of such violations. While legislative protections against GBV remain inadequate, this part of the book documents how feminist movements have attempted, and partially succeeded, in reframing sexual violence as a collective social issue, thereby transporting it from the private to public spheres. They have done so by using social media and innovative messaging. In Lebanon, moreover, feminist NGOs have notably filled gaps where the government has failed to fulfil responsibilities to protect against, and respond to, GBV. Weaknesses in mobilisation are acknowledged in relation to failure to reach communities outside urban centres with the same level of (emergency) reproductive and sexual health services, and consequently campaign advocacy impacts.
Across both campaigning for nationality law reform and responding to GBV, a number of overarching dynamics are noted. Coalition-building is seen as both a strength and a challenge – the latter especially due to fragmentation and competitive dynamics within (feminist) civil society, through, for example, inter-generational rifts around whether or not to take a more intersectional approach to advocacy. While recognising the importance of international funding to support feminist movements, the authors note how short-term, project-based funding and divergent donor priorities can undermine the sustainability of campaigns for transformative change, and exacerbate the fragmentation of such movements. In avoiding donor dependency, campaign organisers must find ways to ensure the continuity of their efforts even at times when funding is cut – an ever-more likely eventuality in the present landscape in MENA.
In focusing on transformative feminist mobilisation, such movements must naturally broach questions about how they operate when prospects for (legislative) reform ultimately lie in the hands of state authorities and their lawmakers. This dilemma is epitomised by the, almost indefinite, ‘shelving’ of law proposals (e.g. addressing both GBV and gender discrimination in the nationality law) in Lebanon and elsewhere in the region – many of which have been developed through significant civil society efforts. In such contexts, the meaning of success may lie as much in enhancing civic engagement, expanding intersectional solidarity, simply sustaining campaign efforts, or shifting the focus around the agency of those most directly affected by the issues. One of the book’s strengths is certainly its transnational, comparative dimension, adding to the limited existing analysis on MENA advocacy campaigns for gender equality [2] . Further research could expand this to consider dynamics in other parts of the region, such as the Gulf countries that have generally been less affected by Syrian and Palestinian displacement. Additionally, given the book’s coverage of GBV in Egypt, it would perhaps be interesting to compare national mobilisations on this with those focused on campaigning for gender equal reform of the country’s nationality law – especially since Egypt’s legislative reforms in 2004 ultimately removed most such gender discriminatory provisions. This would enable further unpacking of the feminist dynamics across the two issues under examination: To what extent is it the same feminist actors working on each cause? And, how (if indeed) are the respective campaigns learning from one another in terms of strategy and tactics?
In conclusion, by drawing on their own insights, as well as interviews, and the grounded perspectives of other advocates for transformative change from the region, the authors provide a vital contribution to localising knowledge of MENA feminist movements. Somewhat unusual for an academic publication, I believe this book – owing to its homegrown knowledge production – establishes a solid basis for critical stocktaking that should prove equally valuable for researchers and activists. In this sense, the authors’ question of MENA’s transformative feminist movements – ‘Where do we go from here … ’ (partly rhetorical perhaps) – has both analytical and practical applications. Overall, this book makes a significant contribution towards fostering a healthy relationship between civil society and research. Its clarity and accessibility enhance understanding for general readers, while specialists and practitioners may benefit from its insightful depth.
[1] For background on the launch of this campaign, see Abou-Habib (2003).
[2] For one of the few published studies taking a comparative approach to campaigning on gender discrimination in MENA nationality laws, see Women’s Refugee Commission and Tilburg University (2013, June) ‘Our Motherland, Our Country: Gender Discrimination and Statelessness in the Middle East and North Africa’.
© Thomas McGee
